CQSA Torchlights National Historical Context

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Today, like many other states in the Union, Arkansas is facing new social challenges precipitated by a burgeoning Latino population. In fact, between 2000 and 2005, Arkansas had the fastest growing Latino immigrant population of any state in the Nation, on a percentage basis. Fortunately, Arkansas' dual historical experience with race relations and cultural issues distinguishes it from other states in the region, many of which are experiencing demographic trends similar to Arkansas'. Uniquely, Arkansas is distinguished by its past posture regarding the State's dual cultural experience, which allows it to provide useful guidance in the region today. Such guidance is both progressive and productive in its approach to the development of model policy.

To put this into context, one must first understand our collective history of race relations as a nation comprised of individual constituent-states, which have employed vastly different approaches to the development of social policy. In fact, our Nation was torn apart-nearly destroyed -over these very issues. And while the American Civil War settled these matters constitutionally, individual state cultures and their constituents have not been so calmed.

No better illustration of this national dichotomy exists than that found in pre-civil rights Arkansas. The progressive character of the State of Arkansas offers a rare look at what happens when a state, in the absence of federal guidance, has competent leadership on challenging cultural and social issues, and as a result develops good policy-and then, what happens when such policy is altered for political advantage.

ARKANSAS’ DUAL HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE

In the early 1940s, a young Arkansan named Sid McMath began a career in public service, which ultimately culminated with him becoming Governor of the State. In fact, Sid McMath-who sadly passed away a few years ago-earned the admiration of President Harry Truman by helping defend against the spread (and perhaps ultimate codification) of segregationist ideas, which were ultimately exemplified years later in a political document known as the Southern Manifesto. Essentially, the “Manifesto” provided a platform whereby numerous southern politicians aimed to preserve segregation. The core of the document emerged out of the ashes of a failed social movement in the South to create a new political party during Sid McMath's time as Governor of Arkansas. Leaders in this “new party” were known as Dixiecrats, and the Dixiecrats were not happy with President Truman's domestic policy because it tended to promote social and cultural equality. Mostly, the Dixiecrats hid behind the “States Rights” distinction as a way to promote their own racist agenda. Notable among the Dixiecrats was the Governor of South Carolina, Strom Thurmond, who was the “States Rights” Dixiecrat Candidate in our Nation's 1948 presidential election. In fact, the Chicago Tribune reported that Strom Thurmond carried all of Alabama's 11 electoral votes that year, as well as Mississippi's, Louisiana's, and of course, South Carolina's. Thankfully, Governor McMath kept the State of Arkansas from participating in such backward, social and cultural nonsense. President Truman was grateful to Governor McMath for doing so. Furthermore, President Truman was personally thankful to McMath for supporting his domestic agenda-obviously, a posture that was not popular in the South. Sid McMath may have started out as a public servant, but he ended up a leader-the type of leader who not only knew what was good but would also work actively toward accomplishing it.

Alternatively, years later and at the height of Southern Manifesto fever, Arkansans elected a man named Orval Faubus as Governor. As they say, “the rest is [quite literally] history.” Governor Faubus made the calculated decision to play the proverbial race card by using the Arkansas National Guard to stop Little Rock Central High School from integrating its school system, pursuant to United States Supreme Court mandate. This single act led to confrontation between Governor Faubus and President Eisenhower. Ultimately, federal troops were sent into the streets of Little Rock, Arkansas, and the operation of federal law was enforced. Interestingly, the political strategy of Governor Faubus paid off handsomely for him. In the 1958 Governor's race, Faubus won with over 82% of the general vote. Subsequently, Faubus was re-elected Governor to three more terms. During this time frame, the Gallup organization published a poll that ranked Faubus among the top ten most admired men in America. In all, Orval Faubus served as the Governor of Arkansas for 12 years. No other Governor of Arkansas has served longer. Sadly, the success of Faubus' political career was predicated on playing to the worst fears of his constituents.

WHAT HISTORY TEACHES US

Obviously, playing to folks' worst fears has great political advantage. The Faubus episode described above is but one example. Strom Thurmond and the Dixiecrats is another. There are countless more in our Nation's history. Illustratively, these examples are not only relegated to history; they are also apparent today. For example, with the balance of U.S. workers counting the days until retirement, U.S. domestic policy is becoming more and more a focus of voting constituents. As a result, domestic policy is fertile ground for exploitative and opportunistic politicians, particularly since these same politicians are getting less and less mileage out of U.S. foreign policy fears. It is no mystery, coincidence, or geographical anomaly why these politicians cling to fear-it works! Strom Thurmond carried South Carolina, Mississippi, Alabama and Louisiana as a presidential candidate based on a plantation mentality. Orval Faubus played to the worst fears of his constituents and was re-elected time and time again; there was even talk of him running for president.

The Thurmond and Faubus eras illustrate what happens when social policy developed and implemented by honorable public servants (such as Sid McMath and Presidents Truman and Eisenhower) is altered for the sake of pure political advantage. It doesn't take a student of history to understand the use of fear; it only takes a person with common sense and human decency. A former Governor of Arkansas and President of the United States, Bill Clinton, once made a poignant appeal by quoting Abraham Lincoln when he called on the “better angels” in our nature. Sadly, this appeal has been rejected by numerous "leaders" today. Instead, they prefer the tried and true tactics of fear, used so effectively by the likes of Thurmond and Faubus, over the better practices of folks like McMath and Truman. Interestingly, these “leaders” of fear seem to be patterning their current domestic, legislative strategy on the Dixiecrat agenda. Specifically, recent immigration reform legislation in the U.S. Senate was shelved when a fear-based campaign against its passage was carried out through rhetoric or votes by Senators from South Carolina, Alabama, Louisiana and Mississippi. It is sobering to think that, even in the 21st century, demagogues still exploit the politics of division and fear to further their own ambitions, while giving no consideration to the historical consequences such fear has produced in the development of our Nation.